New Book: Herf, Undeclared Wars with Israel

Herf, Jeffrey. Undeclared Wars with Israel. East Germany and the West German Far Left, 1967–1989. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2016.

 
undeclared-wars

 

Undeclared Wars with Israel examines a spectrum of antagonism by the East German government and West German radical leftist organizations – ranging from hostile propaganda and diplomacy to military support for Israel’s Arab armed adversaries – from 1967 to the end of the Cold War in 1989. This period encompasses the Six-Day War (1967), the Yom Kippur War (1973), Israel’s invasion of Lebanon in 1982, and an ongoing campaign of terrorism waged by the Palestine Liberation Organization against Israeli civilians. This book provides new insights into the West German radicals who collaborated in ‘actions’ with Palestinian terrorist groups, and confirms that East Germany, along with others in the Soviet Bloc, had a much greater impact on the conflict in the Middle East than has been generally known. A historian who has written extensively on Nazi Germany and the Holocaust, Jeffrey Herf now offers a new chapter in this long, sad history.

 

Table of Contents

1. Introduction
2. East Germany and the Six-Day War of June 1967
3. An anti-Israel left emerges in West Germany: the conjuncture of June 1967
4. Diplomatic breakthrough to military alliance: East Germany, the Arab states, and the PLO 1969–73
5. Palestinian terrorism in 1972: Lod airport, the Munich Olympics, and responses
6. Formalizing the East German alliance with the PLO and the Arab states: 1973
7. Political warfare at the United Nations during the Yom Kippur War of 1973
8. 1974: Palestinian terrorist attacks on Kiryat Shmona and Maalot and responses in East Germany, West Germany, Israel, the United States, and the United Nations
9. The UN ‘Zionism is racism’ revolution of November 10, 1975
10. The Entebbe hijacking and ‘selection’ and the West German ‘revolutionary cells’
11. An alliance deepens: East Germany, the Arab states, and the PLO: 1978–82
12. Terrorism from Lebanon to Israel’s ‘operation peace for Galilee’: 1977–82
13. Loyal friends in defeat: 1983–9 and after
14. Conclusion.

 

JEFFREY HERFis a Distinguished University Professor in the Department of History at the University of Maryland, College Park. His publications on modern German history include Reactionary Modernism: Technology, Culture and Politics in Weimar and the Third Reich (Cambridge, 1984); Divided Memory: The Nazi Past in the Two Germanys (1997), winner of the American Historical Association’s George Lewis Beer Prize; The Jewish Enemy: Nazi Propaganda during World War II and the Holocaust (2006), winner of the National Jewish Book Award; Nazi Propaganda for the Arab World (2009), winner of the bi-annual Sybil Halpern Milton Prize of the German Studies Association in 2011 for work on Nazi Germany and the Holocaust. He has also published essays and reviews on history and politics in Partisan Review, The New Republic, The Times of Israel, and The American Interest.

 

 

 

New Article: Ben-Dror & Ziedler, Israel, Jordan, and UN Resolutions to Internationalise Jerusalem

Ben-Dror, Elad, and Asaf Ziedler. “Israel, Jordan, and their Efforts to Frustrate the United Nations Resolutions to Internationalise Jerusalem.” Diplomacy & Statecraft 26.4 (2015): 636-58.

 

URL: https://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09592296.2015.1096685

 

Abstract

From 1948 to 1950, the United Nations (UN) endeavoured to promote the internationalisation of Jerusalem, which had been a key element of the 1947 Palestine “Partition Plan.” Even though the war that erupted in Palestine in 1948 put paid to partition, 2 UN resolutions re-affirmed the decision to place the city under international auspices. On the opposite side stood Israel and Jordan, both of which ruled the city and were interested in frustrating the attempt to remove it from their control. This identity of interests stirred them to try to reach agreement to divide Jerusalem and make internationalisation superfluous. Unlike other studies that examine the contacts between Israel and Jordan during this period, this analysis examines the Jerusalem question as an independent issue and focuses on the moves made by Israel and Jordan during their covert negotiations in light of the UN decision to internationalise the city.

 

 

 

New Book: Rodgers, Headlines from the Holy Land

Rodgers, James. Headlines from the Holy Land: Reporting the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2015.

 

Rodgers

 

Tied by history, politics, and faith to all corners of the globe, the Israeli-Palestinian conflict fascinates and infuriates people across the world. Based on new archive research and original interviews with leading correspondents and diplomats, Headlines from the Holy Land explains why this fiercely contested region exerts such a pull over reporters: those who bring the story to the world. Despite decades of diplomacy, a just and lasting end to the conflict remains as difficult as ever to achieve. Inspired by the author’s own experience as the BBC’s correspondent in Gaza from 2002-2004, and subsequent research, this book draws on the insight of those who have spent years observing the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Starting from a historical perspective, it identifies the challenges the conflict presents for contemporary journalism and diplomacy, and suggests new ways of approaching them.

 

Table of Contents

    • Foreword by Rosemary Hollis
    • Acknowledgements
    • Introduction
    • 1 Reporting from the Ruins: The End of the British Mandate and the Creation of the State of Israel
    • 2 Six Days and Seventy-Three
    • 3 Any Journalist Worth Their Salt
    • 4 The Roadmap, Reporting, and Religion
    • 5 Going Back Two Thousand Years All the Time
    • 6 The Ambassador’s Eyes and Ears
    • 7 Social Media: A Real Battleground
    • 8 Holy Land
    • Notes
    • Bibliography
    • Index

     

     

New Article: Giladi | Israel, the Genocide Convention, and the World Court 1950–1951

Giladi, Rotem. “Not Our Salvation: Israel, the Genocide Convention, and the World Court 1950–1951.” Diplomacy & Statecraft 26.3 (2015): 473-93.

 

URL: http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/09592296.2015.1067525

 

Abstract

Jewish individuals and organisations played a cardinal role in making and promoting the 1948 Genocide Convention. The early attitude of the Jewish state—established a few months before the Convention’s conclusion—has not hitherto been explored. This analysis reconstructs Israel’s involvement in the 1951 advisory proceedings at the International Court of Justice concerning the Convention. Based on Ministry of Foreign Affairs archives and Court records, it demonstrates that contrary to what scholarship on subsequent episodes assumes or implies, Israel had no particular attachment to, nor was it vested in, the Convention. Rather, its attitude ranged from indifference and disinterest to scepticism and hostility. It allowed Israeli diplomats to utilise the Convention as a means to affect other neither urgent nor imperative foreign policy ends.

 

 

New Article: Mirilovic and Siroky, Two States in the Holy Land? International Recognition and the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict

Mirilovic, Nikola and David S. Siroky. “Two States in the Holy Land?: International Recognition and the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict.” Politics and Religion 8.2 (2015): 263-85.

 

URL: http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S1755048315000164

 

Abstract
How do states decide to extend or withhold international recognition in cases of contested sovereignty? We focus on how religion shapes the incentives of states in making this decision, both at the domestic level through religious institutions and at the international level through religious affinities. States with transnational religious ties to the contested territory are more likely to extend recognition. At the domestic level, states that heavily regulate religion are less likely to extend international recognition. We test these conjectures, and examine others in the literature, with two new data sets on the international recognition of both Palestine and Israel and voting on the United Nations resolution to admit Palestine as a non-member state observer, combined with global data on religious regulation and religious affinities. In cases of contested sovereignty, the results provide support for these two mechanisms through which religion shapes foreign policy decisions about international recognition.

 

 

 

New Article: Becker et al, The Preoccupation of the United Nations with Israel: Evidence and Theory

Becker, Raphael N., Arye L. Hillman, Niklas Potrafke, and Alexander H. Schwemmer. “The Preoccupation of the United Nations with Israel: Evidence and Theory.” Review of International Organizations (early view; online first).

URL: http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11558-014-9207-3

 

Abstract
We compiled data on all United Nations General Assembly resolutions on which voting took place between January 1990 and June 2013 and find a preoccupation with one country: in 65 % of instances in which a country is criticized in a resolution, the country is Israel, with no other country criticized in more than 10% of resolutions. We use comparative quantitative criteria to confirm that Israel is subject to discrimination. To explain the motives for discrimination, we present a model of behavioral political economy that includes decoy voting, vanity of autocrats, and a Schelling focal point for deflection of criticism. The model includes a role for traditional prejudice. Our conclusions more generally concern political culture in the United Nations.

 
 
 
 

Seminar: Azrieli Institute Student-Faculty Seminar (March 18, 2015)

Azrieli-March

 

Azrieli Institute of Israel Studies

Student-Faculty Seminars

Wednesday March 18, 2015

10:30AM-12:30PM

A History of Conflict Between Israel and Palestine: Can the U.N. Ever Facilitate a Two-State Solution?

Kristy Rogers, Masters Candidate, Department of Sociology and Anthropology

 

Why Peacemaking Begins with States and Ends with Societies: Evidence from Arab-Israeli Peace Treaties

Professor Norrin Ripsman, Department of Political Science

 

‘Rebellion Was Strong Amongst Them’: Irish Jews and National Politics, 1900-1922

Mike Rast, PhD Candidate, Department of History

 

Yehuda Kaufman (Even Shmuel): The Portrait of an Israeli Scholar, Intellectual, and Activist, 1927-1976

Professor Ira Robinson, Department of Religion

 

Click here for a PDF file of the flyer.

Conference: Israel and the Foreign Forces? (Tel Aviv, June 20, 2013)

 

 

 

The Institute for National Security Studies (INSS) in collaboration with The Israeli Model UN Association (IMUNA)

Israel and the Foreign Forces?

Thursday, 20 June 2013 at INSS, Tel Aviv 15:00-18:00

 

 

A Middle East in flux induces taking in hand Israel’s national security and the United Nation’s Peace Keeping Operations that have been stationed in and around Israel for some time. Each session spotlights a different aspect to stimulate a holistic scrutiny.

Opening remarks:

Dr Glen Segell, Institute for National Security Studies.

Session 1: Stock Taking UN Peace Keeping Operations

Chair: Ms Chaya Esther Pomeranz, President, The Israeli Model UN Association, IMUNA.

Dr Avi Beker, The Diplomacy of UN Forces, Tel Aviv University.

Dr Chen Kertcher, From Ploughshares to Swords, Tami Steinmetz Center of Peace Research, and IDC.

Session 2: A Political-Military Perspective of UN Peace Keeping Operations

Chair: Brigadier General (Res.) Udi Dekel, Deputy Director, Institute for National Security Studies.

Ms Idit Rosenzweig-Abu, Deputy-Director UN Political Affairs, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Israel.

Brigadier General Asaf Urion, (Head of IDF Strategic Planning Division.

Major General Paolo Serra, Italy, UNIFIL, Head of Mission and Force Commander.

Colonel Patrick Gauchat, Switzerland, UNTSO Deputy Chief of Staff.

Session 3: A View from Contributing Countries to UN Peace Keeping Operations

Chair: Ambassador Oded Eran, Former Director, Institute for National Security Studies.

H.E. Pjer Simunovic, Ambassador of the Republic of Croatia.

H.E. Breifne O’Reilly, Ambassador of the Republic of Ireland.

H.E. Generoso D.G. Calonge, Ambassador of the Republic of the Philippines.

H.E. Vebjørn Dysvik, Chargé d’affaires / Minister Counselor, Embassy of the Kingdom of Norway.

Address:

Brigadier General Shlomo Brom (Ret.), Institute for National Security Studies, Potential International Involvement in Arrangements with the Palestinians.

Closing Remarks:

Major General (Res.) Amos Yadlin, Director, Institute for National Security Studies.

 

Conference Location: The Institute for National Security Studies, 40 Haim Levanon Street, Tel Aviv, This Conference will be held in English and is open to the public. The number of seats is limited. The program is subject to change. Attendance to the conference is free of charge. Parking is available at the Tel Aviv University public parking lots.

 

 

 

Submitted by Glen Segell.

New Publication: Meloni and Tognoni, Is There a Court for Gaza

Meloni, Chantal and Gianni Tognoni. Is There a Court for Gaza? A Test Bench for International Justice. The Hague: T. M. C. Asser Press, 2012.

Is there a court for Gaza? : A test bench for international justice

URL: http://www.springerlink.com/content/978-90-6704-819-4

Cite: Jensehaugen & Waage, Israel, Transjordan and the UN

Jensehaugen, Jørgen and Hilde Henriksen Waage. “Coercive Diplomacy: Israel, Transjordan and the UN—a Triangular Drama Revisited .” British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies 39.1 (2012): 79-100.

 

URL: http://www.ingentaconnect.com/content/routledg/cbjm/2012/00000039/00000001/art00004

Abstract

The Arab states suffered humiliating defeats at the hands of Israel during the first Arab-Israeli war. Immediately following the war, Israel made brilliant and shrewd use of diplomacy to achieve its goals at the negotiating table, much as it had previously used armed force. Israel refused to negotiate with a united Arab negotiation team, preferring to isolate the states, picking them off one after the other. The Israeli-Transjordanian talks differed radically from the other armistice negotiations. Here, two parallel tracks were followed. At Rhodes, the two countries negotiated openly under UN auspices, while in Jerusalem and at King Abdullah’s palace in Transjordan, representatives of the two countries held secret bilateral talks. Israel masterfully used the context of these talks to maximise its gains, using military operations to create `facts on the ground’, combined with direct coercion in the shape of blackmail, while taking full advantage of international power structures and abusing the trust that King Abdullah had placed in personal relations. The UN Acting Mediator, Ralph Bunche, was aware of the secret back channel, where the clearest cases of coercion took place. Physically and mentally exhausted by the protracted negotiations, he allowed the secret talks to progress despite his dislike of the outcome. The British government, at the time the protector of Transjordan, was unable to assist its client for fear of falling out with the USA, while the US government, in many ways the protector of Israel, maintained an equally `hands off’ stance because the talks concerned only an armistice, not a peace treaty. Already at this early stage in their relations, the power asymmetry between Israel and the Arab states was the main reason the parties could not arrive at a peaceful, sustainable solution. This article reinvestigates this diplomacy by using a combination of US, Israeli, British and UN archives, as well as the almost untouched Ralph Bunche diary.

ToC: Israel Affairs 17.4 (2011)

Taylor & Francis Online - The new journals and reference work platform for Taylor & Francis

The online platform for Taylor & Francis Group content

Israel Affairs, Vol. 17, No. 4, 01 Oct 2011 is now available online on Taylor & Francis Online.
This new issue contains the following articles:

Original Articles
British arms sales to Israel: exercising the Foreign Office veto, 1950–56
Neill Lochery
Pages: 487-503
DOI: 10.1080/13537121.2011.603517
On the complexities of modern Jewish identity: contemporary Jews against Israel
Evyatar Friesel
Pages: 504-519
DOI: 10.1080/13537121.2011.615185
Politics and principle at the UN Human Rights Commission and Council (1992–2008)
Steven Seligman
Pages: 520-541
DOI: 10.1080/13537121.2011.603519
Sefrou and Baghdad
Dan Urian
Pages: 542-562
DOI: 10.1080/13537121.2011.603520
Between ethnic and civic: the realistic Utopia of Zionism
Yitzhak Conforti
Pages: 563-582
DOI: 10.1080/13537121.2011.603521
Changes in Likud Party organization as an outcome of electoral victory in 1988 and electoral defeat in 1992: an Israeli case study
Yaffa Moshkovich
Pages: 583-603
DOI: 10.1080/13537121.2011.603522
The first Hebrew ‘gymnasiums’ in Israel: social education as the bridge between ideological gaps in shaping the image of the desirable high school graduate (1906–48)
Nirit Reichel
Pages: 604-620
DOI: 10.1080/13537121.2011.603523
Public attitudes towards the welfare state and public policy: the Israeli experience
Nissim Cohen, Shlomo Mizrahi & Fany Yuval
Pages: 621-643
DOI: 10.1080/13537121.2011.603525
Review Essay
Appropriating the Holocaust
Bernard Harrison
Pages: 644-650
DOI: 10.1080/13537121.2011.603526
Book Reviews
Book Reviews
David Rodman
Pages: 651-663
DOI: 10.1080/13537121.2011.603527
Book Review: From empathy to denial: Arab responses to the Holocaust
Howard A. Patten
Pages: 663-665
DOI: 10.1080/13537121.2011.603528
Miscellany
Editorial Board, Volume 17, 2011
Pages: ebi-ebi
DOI: 10.1080/13537121.2011.630565

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