New Article: Meier, Palestinian Divorced and Widowed Mothers in Israel

Meier, Tal. ““I Do What I Please, but Even So, I See a Psychologist”: Palestinian Divorced and Widowed Mothers in Israel.” Journal of Middle East Women’s Studies 11.3 (2015): 306-324.

 
URL: https://muse.jhu.edu/journals/journal_of_middle_east_womens_studies/v011/11.3.meler.html
 
Abstract

Divorce, separation, and widowhood produce great psychological stress for Palestinian women in Israel. Very often family support is a set of demands seeking to regulate and reshape their conduct. This article is based on a study conducted between 2007 and 2011 with twenty-four divorced, separated, and widowed Palestinian single mothers in Israel. In contrast to claims in most existing scholarship, all of the women turned to nonfamilial sources of support to deal with family and community regulation, restrictions, and stigmatization and to acquire resources. Level of surveillance and regulation was most highly associated with socioeconomic class. The poorer the women, the fewer their choices and the less freedom they had to determine their lives and their children’s lives. The women interviewed disproportionately reported turning to outsiders, such as psychologists, spiritualists, and feminist activists, for “expressive” support.

 

 

Cite: Bar-Joseph, The Missing Link in the Surprise of the Yom Kippur War

Bar-Joseph, Uri. “The ‘Special Means of Collection’: The Missing Link in the Surprise of the Yom Kippur War.” Middle East Journal 67.4 (2013): 531-546.

 

URL: http://muse.jhu.edu/journals/the_middle_east_journal/v067/67.4.bar-joseph.html

 

Abstract

Israeli narratives of the 1973 Arab-Israeli War highlight the army’s lack of preparedness in the wake of a successful surprise attack by Egypt and Syria on the Jewish holiday of Yom Kippur, despite assumptions of Israel’s intelligence gathering capabilities. Using recently declassified government documents, this article reveals a communication breakdown among Israel’s leadership over the operational status of a top secret means of surveillance. This intelligence failure provides the missing link between Israel’s wealth of information and the decision to avoid mobilizing the country’s reserve army until it was too late.

Cite: Abu-Laban and Bakan, Canada, the Israel/Palestine Conflict, and the Surveillance of Public Discourse

Abu-Laban, Yasmeen & Abigail B. Bakan. “After 9/11: Canada, the Israel/Palestine Conflict, and the Surveillance of Public Discourse.”  Canadian Journal of Law and Society 27.3 (2012): 319-339.

 

URL: http://muse.jhu.edu/journals/canadian_journal_of_law_and_society/v027/27.3.abu-laban.html

 

Abstract

Since September 11, 2001, a growing body of scholarship has traced the intensification of surveillance in countries of the industrialized West. However, less attention has been paid to analyzing the impact of surveillance of discourse, particularly public discourse normally considered a hallmark of liberal democratic freedoms of speech and association. In this article we consider the case of Canadian public discourse and illustrate how surveillance has intensified in relation to freedom of expression regarding the Israel/Palestine conflict. Drawing on accounts from media, government, and non-governmental organizations (NGOs), we highlight notable moments in the Canadian state’s deepening ties with Israel, tracing direct intervention in public discourse concerning the Israel/Palestine conflict. The regulation of public discourse on the part of state and non-state actors in Canada is aimed to influence universities, civil society events, access to meetings and events with international speakers, and even the expressions of NGOs abroad. In addition, the regulation of public discourse has impacted the securitization of borders, immigration, and surveillance in light of an ascribed "terrorist threat." This has resulted in a new and distinct pattern of surveillance—or watching—of words, loyalty, and organizations, according to their presumed political views concerning the Israel/Palestine conflict.

Cite: Tawil-Souri, Politics of ID Cards in Palestine-Israel

Tawil-Souri, Helga. “Colored Identity. The Politics and Materiality of ID Cards in Palestine/Israel.” Social Text 29.2 (2011): 67-97.

 

URL: http://socialtext.dukejournals.org/cgi/content/short/29/2_107/67

 

 

Abstract

In Palestine/Israel, different colored identification cards are mandated by the Israeli state apparatus to Palestinians in the West Bank, the Gaza Strip, East Jerusalem, and those who are citizens of Israel. The article traces the development of the bureaucracy of the Palestinian ID card since the establishment of Israel and suggests that modern-day ID cards in Palestine/Israel are physical and visible instruments of a widespread low-tech surveillance mechanism to control mobility and a principal means for discriminating, both positively and negatively, subjects’ privileges and rights. ID cards are both the spaces in which Palestinians confront, tolerate, and sometimes challenge the Israeli state, and a mechanism through which Palestinian spatiality, territoriality, and corporeality are penetrated by the Israeli regime. Vital in the control and differentiation of Palestinian populations, what makes ID cards unique in the Palestinian/Israeli case is that their materiality is one of their most important and resonant aspects. The article describes various representations of the ID cards, for example in poetry and in murals, to show how they also function as sites of remediation, spaces and moments of renegotiation for their bearers, subject to counter-hegemonic representations, interpretations, and uses. As a special kind of material object, ID cards are an effective and low-tech means of surveillance and differentiation and an important nexus of Israeli power, demonstrating the institutional materiality of the state apparatus’s constitution in subjects’ everyday life; but they have also become important because they allow a poetics of political resistance.