New Article: Yaar et al, Possible Sites for Future Nuclear Power Plants in Israel

Yaar,Ilan, Ayelet Walter, Yovav Sanders, Yaron Felus, Ran Calvo, and Yariv Hamiel. “Possible Sites for Future Nuclear Power Plants in Israel.” Nuclear Engineering and Design 298 (2016): 90-98.

ְְ 

URL: http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.nucengdes.2015.12.005

 

Abstract

A preliminary work aimed at allocating suitable new sites for possible NPPs in Israel is presented. The work is based on Israel’s present NPP siting criteria, supported by selected procedure performed by various countries that conducted similar process. The site selection process was conducted in two stages: first, a selection procedure using demographic analysis was conducted; second, a seismological and geological analysis process was performed in the remaining area. From the combined two screening processes results, an overall new area of 569 km2 was located as a possible area for future construction of NPPs in Israel. Further and more comprehensive work, based on the IAEAs site selection guidelines, has to be performed in the future, in order to verify the preliminary findings presented in this work.

 

 

 

New Article: Rodman, American Arms Transfers to Israel, 1962–1970

Rodman, David. “American Arms Transfers to Israel, 1962–1970: The Nuclear Weapons Dimension.” Israel Journal of Foreign Affairs (early view; online first).

 
URL: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/23739770.2015.1114769
 
Extract

The American-Israeli relationship underwent a dramatic transformation during the 1960s. From its establishment in 1948 and throughout the 1950s, Israel had largely been kept at arm’s length by the administration of Presidents Harry S. Truman and Dwight D. Eisenhower. Both feared that an intimate relationship with Israel would alienate the Arab world, and therefore threaten access to Middle Eastern oil, as well as encourage Soviet penetration of the region. The truncated logic in formulating its Middle Eastern policy, but eventually came around to adopting a more favorable attitude toward Israel. Presidnet Lyndon B. Johnson’s administration deepened the trend begun by its predecessor. And, by the early 1970s, during the administration of President Richard M. Nixon, Israel had come to be seen as a strategic asset to the United States in its quest to contain Soviet influence in the Middle East.

 

 

 

Research in Progress: Scoping Study of U.S.-Israel Dialogue (Chen Kane, Middlebury Institute of Int’l Studies)

Scoping Study of U.S.-Israel Dialogue
Performer: Middlebury Institute of International Studies
Project Lead: Chen Kane
Project Cost: $70,000
FY15-16

URL: http://calhoun.nps.edu/handle/10945/45427

Objective:
Over the last twenty years, there has been an increase in security-related Track 2 dialogues in the Middle East. Yet, with Israel, one of the region’s most important states and a nuclear power, few Track 2 dialogues addressing mutual security concerns have been held. They are needed to foster a more open exchange and discussion of emerging mutual security issues. This study will evaluate the feasibility and scope of a future Track 2 dialogue between the United States and Israel within the 2016 timeframe.

Approach:
This project involves background research and analysis, including of past attempts to establish Track 1.5 strategic dialogues and the reasons they have failed. Additionally, researchers will conduct in-depth consultations with current and former U.S. government and non-government personnel. They will also travel to Israel to discuss the project’s objectives with a select group of Israeli government and non-government interlocutors. Subjects for discussion will include Iran’s nuclear program, Syria’s civil war, a Middle East WMD-free zone, extended deterrence, missile defense, and other emerging security issues.

Click here for PDF.

ToC: Israel Affairs 21.4 (2015)

This new issue contains the following articles:

Articles
The journalist as a messiah: journalism, mass-circulation, and Theodor Herzl’s Zionist vision
Asaf Shamis
Pages: 483-499
DOI: 10.1080/13537121.2015.1076188

The debate between Tel Aviv and Jerusalem in Mandatory Palestine (1920–48) over the re-interment of Zionist leaders
Doron Bar
Pages: 500-515
DOI: 10.1080/13537121.2015.1076180

Development of information technology industries in Israel and Ireland, 2000–2010
Erez Cohen
Pages: 516-540
DOI: 10.1080/13537121.2015.1076183

Israel’s nuclear amimut policy and its consequences
Ofer Israeli
Pages: 541-558
DOI: 10.1080/13537121.2015.1076185

She got game?! Women, sport and society from an Israeli perspective
Yair Galily, Haim Kaufman & Ilan Tamir
Pages: 559-584
DOI: 10.1080/13537121.2015.1076184

The origin of globalized anti-Zionism: A conjuncture of hatreds since the Cold War
Ernest Sternberg
Pages: 585-601
DOI: 10.1080/13537121.2014.984419

The Diaspora and the homeland: political goals in the construction of Israeli narratives to the Diaspora
Shahar Burla
Pages: 602-619
DOI: 10.1080/13537121.2015.1076181

India–Israel relations: the evolving partnership
Ashok Sharma & Dov Bing
Pages: 620-632
DOI: 10.1080/13537121.2015.1076189

The design of the ‘new Hebrew’ between image and reality: a portrait of the student in Eretz Yisrael at the beginning of ‘Hebrew education’ (1882–1948)
Nirit Raichel
Pages: 633-647
DOI: 10.1080/13537121.2015.1076187

The evolution of Arab psychological warfare: towards ‘nonviolence’ as a political strategy
Irwin J. Mansdorf
Pages: 648-667
DOI: 10.1080/13537121.2015.1076186

Militancy and religiosity in the service of national aspiration: Fatah’s formative years
Ido Zelkovitz
Pages: 668-690
DOI: 10.1080/13537121.2015.1076191

Book Reviews
The historical David: the real life of an invented hero/David, king of Israel, and Caleb in biblical memory
David Rodman
Pages: 691-693
DOI: 10.1080/13537121.2015.1083700

Britain’s moment in Palestine: retrospect and perspectives, 1917–48/Palestine in the Second World War: strategic plans and political dilemmas
David Rodman
Pages: 693-696
DOI: 10.1080/13537121.2015.1083701

Israeli culture on the road to the Yom Kippur War
David Rodman
Pages: 696-698
DOI: 10.1080/13537121.2015.1083702

The one-state condition
Raphael Cohen-Almagor
Pages: 698-701
DOI: 10.1080/13537121.2015.1083699

Globalising hatred: the new Antisemitism
Rusi Jaspal
Pages: 701-704
DOI: 10.1080/13537121.2015.1083703

Psychological Warfare in the Arab-Israeli Conflict
Rusi Jaspal
Pages: 704-707
DOI: 10.1080/13537121.2015.1083704

Editorial Board
Editorial Board

Pages: ebi-ebi
DOI: 10.1080/13537121.2015.1109819

New Book: Ross, Doomed to Succeed

Ross, Dennis. Doomed to Succeed. The U.S.-Israel Relationship from Truman to Obama. New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2015.

 

9780374141462

 

When it comes to Israel, U.S. policy has always emphasized the unbreakable bond between the two countries and our ironclad commitment to Israel’s security. Today our ties to Israel are close–so close that when there are differences, they tend to make the news. But it was not always this way.
Dennis Ross has been a direct participant in shaping U.S. policy toward the Middle East, and Israel specifically, for nearly thirty years. He served in senior roles, including as Bill Clinton’s envoy for Arab-Israeli peace, and was an active player in the debates over how Israel fit into the region and what should guide our policies. In Doomed to Succeed, he takes us through every administration from Truman to Obama, throwing into dramatic relief each president’s attitudes toward Israel and the region, the often tumultuous debates between key advisers, and the events that drove the policies and at times led to a shift in approach.
Ross points out how rarely lessons were learned and how distancing the United States from Israel in the Eisenhower, Nixon, Bush, and Obama administrations never yielded any benefits and why that lesson has never been learned. Doomed to Succeed offers compelling advice for how to understand the priorities of Arab leaders and how future administrations might best shape U.S. policy in that light.

 

Table of Contents

Preface
1. The Evolution of US Policy toward Israel
2. The Eisenhower Administration and the Pursuit of Arab Allies
3. The Kennedy Administration: Breaking Taboos and Pursuing a New Balance
4. Lyndon Baines Johnson: Emotional Ties but Constrained by Vietnam
5. Nixon and Ford: Dysfunction, War, and Interim Agreements
6. The Carter Presidency: The Pursuit of Peace and Constant Tension with Israel
7. The Reagan Administration and the Policy of Duality
8. George H. W. Bush and Israel: Discord and Responsiveness
9. The Clinton Administration and Israel: Strategic Partners for Peace
10. Bush 43: Terror, Partnership, and Bureaucratic Divisions
11. Obama and Israel: Support for Security, Little Chemistry, and Constant Challenges
12. Lessons from the Past and Implications for the Future
Notes
Acknowledgements
Index
 

 

Dennis Ross is the Counselor and Davidson Fellow at the Washington Institute for Near East Policy and a Distinguished Professor in the Practice of Diplomacy at Georgetown. He was the director of policy planning in the State Department for George H. W. Bush, Bill Clinton’s Middle East Peace envoy, and a special assistant to the president under Barack Obama.

 

 

New Article: Rabinowitz & Miller, U.S. Nonproliferation Policy toward Israel, South Africa, and Pakistan

Rabinowitz, Or, and Nicholas L. Miller. “Keeping the Bombs in the Basement: U.S. Nonproliferation Policy toward Israel, South Africa, and Pakistan.” International Security 40.1 (2015): 47-86.
URL: http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/ISEC_a_00207

 
Abstract

How has the United States behaved historically toward friendly states with nuclear weapons ambitions? Recent scholarship has demonstrated the great lengths to which the United States went to prevent Taiwan, South Korea, and West Germany from acquiring nuclear weapons. Yet seemingly on the other side of the ledger are cases such as Israel, South Africa, and Pakistan, where the United States failed to prevent proliferation, and where many have argued that the United States made exceptions to its nonproliferation objectives given conflicting geopolitical goals. A reexamination of the history of U.S. nonproliferation policy toward Israel, South Africa, and Pakistan, based on declassified documents and interviews, finds that these cases are not as exceptional as is commonly understood. In each case, the United States sought to prevent these states from acquiring nuclear weapons, despite geopolitical constraints. Moreover, once U.S. policymakers realized that prior efforts had failed, they continued to pursue nonproliferation objectives, brokering deals to prevent nuclear tests, public declaration of capabilities, weaponization, or transfer of nuclear materials to other states.

 

New Article: Ziv, Shimon Peres and the Israeli Nuclear Program

Ziv, Guy. “The Triumph of Agency over Structure: Shimon Peres and the Israeli Nuclear Program.” International Negotiation 20.2 (2015): 218-41.

 

URL: http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718069-12341306

 

Abstract
This article advances the proposition that when the negotiator is empowered to reach an agreement on behalf of his or her government, agency has the potential to triumph over structure. The negotiator whose personal attributes include flexibility, sensitivity, inventiveness, tenacity and patience is more likely to meet this potential. Shimon Peres, the director-general of Israel’s Ministry of Defense in the mid-1950s, possessed many of these traits. He was also given virtually free rein by Prime Minister and Defense Minister David Ben-Gurion to pursue negotiations with France over the acquisition of a nuclear reactor. Despite significant structural hurdles – financial difficulties, domestic opposition, u.s. disapproval, and an unstable and divided French Fourth Republic – Peres’s unorthodox diplomacy allowed Israel to become a nuclear power. This case highlights the oft-overlooked role of agency in political science, in general, and in international negotiations, in particular.

 

 

 

New Book: Rabinowitz, Bargaining on Nuclear Tests

Rabinowitz, Or. Bargaining on Nuclear Tests. Washington and Its Cold War Deals. Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press, 2014.

 

9780198702931_450

 

Most observers who follow nuclear history agree on one major aspect regarding Israel’s famous policy of nuclear ambiguity; mainly that it is an exception. More specifically, it is largely accepted that the 1969 Nixon-Meir understanding, which formally established Israel’s policy of nuclear ambiguity and transformed it from an undeclared Israeli strategy into a long-lasting undisclosed bilateral agreement, was in fact a singularity, aimed at allowing Washington to turn a blind eye to the existence of an Israeli arsenal. According to conventional wisdom, this nuclear bargain was a foreign policy exception on behalf of Washington, an exception which reflected a relationship growing closer and warmer between the superpower leading the free world and its small Cold War associate. Contrary to the orthodox narrative, this research demonstrates that this was not the case. The 1969 bargain was not, in fact, an exception, but rather the first of three Cold War era deals on nuclear tests brokered by Washington with its Cold War associates, the other two being Pakistan and South Africa. These two deals are not well known and until now were discussed and explored in the literature in a very limited fashion. Bargaining on Nuclear Tests places the role of nuclear tests by American associates, as well as Washington’s attempts to prevent and delay them, at the heart of a new nuclear history narrative.

Table of Contents

1: Introduction
2: The Paradox of Hegemony
3: The NPT, Nuclear Tests and Their Changing Legal Status
4: The American Test Ban Debate
5: Israel
6: South Africa
7: Pakistan
8: India
9: Conclusions

Cite: Shaw, Middle East Nonproliferation. Toward a Zone of Inclusion

Shaw, Douglas B. “Middle East Nonproliferation. Toward a Zone of Inclusion.” Nonproliferation Review 19.3 (2012): 357-363.

URL: http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/10736700.2012.734184

Abstract

The Middle East is a crucial region for the global nonproliferation regime. In 2010, the state parties to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons proposed a conference on a Middle East Weapons of Mass Destruction-Free Zone. The nuclear weapon-free zone model, on which this idea builds, has achieved important results in other regions, but faces especially stark challenges in the Middle East. However, the attempt to apply the boldly imaginative zone approach to the Middle East holds promise for building a more inclusive dialogue on nonproliferation and regional security.

Cite: Evron, Extended Deterrence in the Middle East

Evron, Yair. “Extended Deterrence in the Middle East.” Nonproliferation Review 19.3 (2012): 391-400.

URL: http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/10736700.2012.734186

Abstract

With the exception of Iran, no Middle Eastern state has an operating nuclear power reactor. Several states, including the United Arab Emirates, Saudi Arabia, Qatar, Kuwait, Israel, Syria, Jordan, Turkey, and Egypt are considering constructing such reactors; some have even taken steps towards commencing nuclear power projects. There exist, however, considerable economic, technical, safety, and security challenges to achieving these goals, many of which are acute in the Middle East region. Regional and international cooperation on nuclear technology could not only help regional states meet their energy objectives, but it could also help to build trust among states as a basic step towards a future Middle East Weapons of Mass Destruction-Free Zone.

Cite: Asculai, Nuclear Power in the Middle East: Risks and Opportunities

Asculai, Ephraim. “Nuclear Power in the Middle East: Risks and Opportunities for Regional Security.” Nonproliferation Review 19.3 (2012): 391-400.

URL: http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/10736700.2012.734187

Abstract

With the exception of Iran, no Middle Eastern state has an operating nuclear power reactor. Several states, including the United Arab Emirates, Saudi Arabia, Qatar, Kuwait, Israel, Syria, Jordan, Turkey, and Egypt are considering constructing such reactors; some have even taken steps towards commencing nuclear power projects. There exist, however, considerable economic, technical, safety, and security challenges to achieving these goals, many of which are acute in the Middle East region. Regional and international cooperation on nuclear technology could not only help regional states meet their energy objectives, but it could also help to build trust among states as a basic step towards a future Middle East Weapons of Mass Destruction-Free Zone.

Cite: Kaye, The Middle East WMD-Free Zone Conference

Kaye, Dalia Dassa. “The Middle East WMD-Free Zone Conference. A Reset for Regional Arms Control?” Nonproliferation Review 19.3 (2012): 413-428.

URL: http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/10736700.2012.734189

Abstract

This article reviews the origins and evolution of the Middle East weapons of mass destruction-free zone (WMDFZ) concept and the proposal for a 2012 conference on the subject, and explores new challenges and opportunities for regional arms control in the current regional environment. It suggests that new models may be necessary to revitalize regional arms control efforts. The establishment of a broad regional security forum could include, but should not be limited to, curtailing weapons of mass destruction through the zone approach. Even if the 2012 conference fails to materialize, or is limited to a one-time event, the proposal for such a conference has provided an important opportunity to rethink future options for a regional arms control and security process.

ToC: Israel Affairs 18,4 (2012)

Israel Affairs, Vol. 18, No. 4, 01 Oct 2012 is now available on Taylor & Francis Online.

This new issue contains the following articles:

Original Articles

Existential threats to Israel: learning from the ancient past
Steven R. David
Pages: 503-525
DOI: 10.1080/13537121.2012.717386

Leadership, preventive war and territorial expansion: David Ben-Gurion and Levi Eshkol
Shlomo Aronson
Pages: 526-545
DOI: 10.1080/13537121.2012.717387

‘Two & three air raids daily. What a bother’: an American diplomat in Israel during the War of Independence
Henry D. Fetter
Pages: 546-562
DOI: 10.1080/13537121.2012.717388

The failed Palestinian–Israeli peace process 1993–2011: an Israeli perspective
Raphael Cohen-Almagor
Pages: 563-576
DOI: 10.1080/13537121.2012.717389

The birth of the core issues: the West Bank and East Jerusalem under Israeli administration 1967–76 (part 1)
Moshe Elad
Pages: 577-595
DOI: 10.1080/13537121.2012.717390

The social representation of incapacity: a psycho-cultural analysis of Israel’s political arena
Mira Moshe
Pages: 596-614
DOI: 10.1080/13537121.2012.717391

The advent of Israel’s commercial lobby
Hila Tal
Pages: 615-628
DOI: 10.1080/13537121.2012.717392

The games must go on? The influence of terror attacks on hosting sporting events in Israel
Yair Galily, Ilan Tamir & Moshe Levy
Pages: 629-644
DOI: 10.1080/13537121.2012.717393

Combat stress reactions during the 1948 war: a conspiracy of silence?
Eldad Rom & Dan Bar-On
Pages: 645-651
DOI: 10.1080/13537121.2012.717394

The US, Hezbollah and the idea of sub-state terrorism
Hussain Sirriyeh
Pages: 652-662
DOI: 10.1080/13537121.2012.717395

Book Reviews

India’s Israel policy
David Rodman
Pages: 663-665
DOI: 10.1080/13537121.2012.718493

The West and the Middle East
David Rodman
Pages: 665-666
DOI: 10.1080/13537121.2012.718494

Nation and history: Israeli historiography between Zionism and post-Zionism
David Rodman
Pages: 666-667
DOI: 10.1080/13537121.2012.718495

Israeli statecraft: national security challenges and responses
David Rodman
Pages: 667-668
DOI: 10.1080/13537121.2012.718496

Confidential: the life of secret agent turned Hollywood tycoon Arnon Milchan
David Rodman
Pages: 669-669
DOI: 10.1080/13537121.2012.718497

The anatomy of Israel’s survival
David Rodman
Pages: 669-670
DOI: 10.1080/13537121.2012.718498

Perspectives of psychological operations (PSYOP) in contemporary conflicts: essays in winning hearts and minds
David Rodman
Pages: 670-671
DOI: 10.1080/13537121.2012.718499

Holy wars: 3000 years of battles in the holy land
David Rodman
Pages: 671-671
DOI: 10.1080/13537121.2012.718500

Crossroads: the future of the U.S.–Israel strategic partnership
David Rodman
Pages: 671-673
DOI: 10.1080/13537121.2012.718501

Israel’s national security law: political dynamics and historical development
David Rodman
Pages: 673-674
DOI: 10.1080/13537121.2012.718502

Reviews: Cohen, The Worst-Kept Secret

Cohen, Avner. The Worst-Kept Secret: Israel’s Bargain with the Bomb. New York: Columbia University Press, 2010.

 

 

Reviews

 

Bronner, Ethan. “Vague, Opaque and Ambiguous: Israel’s Hush-Hush Nuclear Policy.” New York Times, October 13, 2010.

 

Riedel, Bruce. “Breaking the Taboo.” Haaretz November 5, 2010.

 

Rodman, David. “Review.” Israel Affairs 17.4 (2011): 658-660.

New Publication: Cohen, The Worst-Kept Secret

The Worst-Kept Secret: Israel’s Bargain with the Bomb

Avner Cohen

October, 2010
Cloth, 416 pages,
ISBN: 978-0-231-13698-3
$35.00 / £24.00

For Table of Contents and Excerpt, see Columbia University Press Website.

Israel has made a unique contribution to the nuclear age. It has created a special "bargain" with the bomb. Israel is the only nuclear-armed state that does not acknowledge its possession of the bomb, even though its existence is a common knowledge throughout the world. It only says that it will not be the first to introduce nuclear weapons to the Middle East.
The bomb is Israel’s collective ineffable—the nation’s last great taboo. This bargain has a name: in Hebrew, it is called amimut, or opacity. By adhering to the bargain, which was born in a secret deal between Richard Nixon and Golda Meir, Israel has created a code of nuclear conduct that encompasses both governmental policy and societal behavior. The bargain has deemphasized the salience of nuclear weapons, yet it is incompatible with the norms and values of a liberal democracy. It relies on secrecy, violates the public right to know, and undermines the norm of public accountability and oversight, among other offenses. It is also incompatible with emerging international nuclear norms.
Author of the critically acclaimed Israel and the Bomb, Avner Cohen offers a bold and original study of this politically explosive subject. Along with a fair appraisal of the bargain’s strategic merits, Cohen critiques its undemocratic flaws. Arguing that the bargain has become increasingly anachronistic, he calls for a reform in line with domestic democratic values as well as current international nuclear norms. Most ironic, he believes Iran is imitating Israeli amimut. Cohen concludes with fresh perspectives on Iran, Israel, and the effort toward global disarmament.

Event: Wilson center, Israel’s Bargain with the Bomb

Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars

The Worst-Kept Secret: Israel’s Bargain with the Bomb

October 07 2010, 4:00 p.m. – 6:00 p.m.

Co-sponsored by the James Martin Center for Nonproliferation Studies and the History and Public Policy Program, International Security Studies and Middle East Program at the Woodrow Wilson Center

RSVP

 

Live Webcast

Event Details

Former Wilson Center scholar and James Martin Center for Nonproliferation Studies senior fellow Avner Cohen will discuss his latest book, The Worst-Kept Secret: Israel’s Bargain with the Bomb. Former NSC staffer and advisor to Presidents Johnson, Nixon and Clinton Morton Halperin, former US Ambassador to Israel Samuel W. Lewis, and former National Security Council Senior Director for Near East Affairs Bruce Riedel, will join Cohen on the panel to provide comments.
Israel has created, with the tacit support of the United States, a special "bargain" with the bomb. Israel is the only nuclear-armed state that refuses to acknowledge its possession of the bomb, even though its existence is common knowledge throughout the world.

 

 

Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars

Ronald Reagan Building and International Trade Center
One Woodrow Wilson Plaza
1300 Pennsylvania Ave., NW
Washington, DC

ToC: Israel Affairs, 16,3 (2010)

Israel Affairs: Volume 16 Issue 3 is now available online at informaworldTM.
This new issue contains the following articles:

Original Articles

The relationship between electoral systems and political marketing: Israel 1988-2003
Pages 335 – 364

Authors: Yehudith Auerbach; Talya Yehuda

DOI: 10.1080/13537121.2010.487724

Local government training in England and Wales, Denmark and Israel
Pages 365 – 385

Author: Moshe Maor

DOI: 10.1080/13537121.2010.487726

From At Tiri to Qana: the impact of peacekeeping in Lebanon on Israeli-Irish bilateral relations, 1978-2000
Pages 386 – 405

Author: Rory Miller

DOI: 10.1080/13537121.2010.487728

Israel’s energy security: the Caspian Sea and the Middle East
Pages 406 – 415

Author: Gawdat Bahgat

DOI: 10.1080/13537121.2010.487729

Vanunu, The Sunday Times, and the Dimona question
Pages 416 – 433

Author: Yoel Cohen

DOI: 10.1080/13537121.2010.487730

The Israeli volunteering movement preceding the 1956 war
Pages 434 – 454

Author: Moshe Naor

DOI: 10.1080/13537121.2010.487732

The missing currency of Israeli/Palestinian negotiations
Pages 455 – 465

Author: Lloyd Cohen

DOI: 10.1080/13537121.2010.487733

Cite: Heiman, The French and Israeli Pursuit of the Bomb

Heiman, Gadi. "Diverging Goals: The French and Israeli Pursuit of the Bomb, 1958-1962." Israel Studies 15,2 (2010): 104-126.

 

URL: http://muse.jhu.edu/journals/israel_studies/summary/v015/15.2.heiman.html

Abstract

The article investigates the considerations behind Charles de Gaulle’s decision to cancel French nuclear assistance to Israel. It argues that the decision was purely pragmatic and expressed French ambitions for U.S. assistance with France’s nuclear program and its fears that if discovered, nuclear aid to Israel would jeopardize such aims. It offers evidence that shows a clear but inverse relationship between the two nuclear projects.

New Publication: Primakov, Russia and the Arabs

Primakov, Yevgeny. Russia and the Arabs. New York: Basic Books (of the Perseus Books Group), 2009.

 

Keywords: Russia: Middle East Policy, USSR / Soviet Union, 1967 war, 1973 War, Six Day War, Yom Kippur War, Peace: with Egypt, Lebanon, Israeli-Arab Conflict, Israeli-Palestinian conflict, USA: Middle East Policy, Israel: Nuclear Weapons, Iraq, Iran: Nuclear Weapons, Yasser Arafat, Saddam Hussein