Cite: Perliger, How Democracies Respond to Terrorism

 Perliger, Arie. “How Democracies Respond to Terrorism: Regime Characteristics, Symbolic Power and Counterterrorism.” Security Studies 21.3 (2012): 490-528.





While the academic study of counterterrorism has gained momentum in recent years, it still suffers from major theoretical weaknesses. One of the most prominent shortcomings is an absence of theories that can effectively explain the factors that shape the counterterrorism policies of democratic regimes. The present study attempts to fill this theoretical void in two ways. First, it proposes an analytical framework for a classification of counterterrorism policies. Second, it presents a theoretical framework that strives to uncover the factors that have influenced the struggle against domestic terrorism in democratic regimes. The analyses, which have used a unique and comprehensive dataset that documents counterterrorism policies in eighty-three democracies, show that the robustness of the regime’s democratic foundations as well as the symbolic effect of terrorism are major forces in shaping the democratic response to it, while the direct impact of terrorism is less influential than assumed in the literature.

Cite: Aburaya, Islamic Sacred Texts and Muslims’ Political Conduct: The Israeli Dominant Elites’ Conception

Aburaya, Issam; Abu-Raiya, Hisham. “On the Connection between Islamic Sacred Texts and Muslims’ Political Conduct: The Israeli Dominant Elites’ Conception.” Middle East Journal of Culture and Communication 5.2 (2012): 101-115.





This essay provides an empirically grounded and theoretically informed examination of Israeli elites’ discourse on Islam, in general, and its conceptualization of the relationship between Islamic sacred texts and the political conduct of Muslims, in particular. It argues that the Israeli elites’ discourse, for the most part, is not only unhistorical and lacking in a sociological basis, but, most importantly, emphasizes Islamic religious texts while reducing their Muslim readers into uniquely choiceless beings. This conceptualization, we contend, leads to unnecessary and unjustifiable theoretical inconsistencies concerning the broader topic of the relationship between human agency and religious texts. We conclude by suggesting that the above mentioned Israeli discourse teaches us less about what Islam and Muslims `really are’ than it does about the Israeli self-idealized image as members of a secular western society and the desires and anxieties this image expresses and represses.

Cite: Pogodda, Inconsistent Interventionism in Palestine

Pogodda, Sandra. “Inconsistent Interventionism in Palestine: Objectives, Narratives, and Domestic Policy-Making.” Democratization 19.3 (2012): 535-552.





In recent years, the liberal state-building agenda, in which foreign policy objectives such as democratization, state-building, and national security are regarded as mutually reinforcing elements of a broader peace-building strategy, has come under criticism for its internal contradictions, its epistemology, and its unintended consequences on the ground. In the case of Palestine, these three objectives of Western foreign policies have never gone hand in hand. Rather, the history of state-building and democratization in Palestine reads like a drama in three acts: a period of authoritarian state-building, followed by democratization during a period of state demolition, and finally the current phase of competing undemocratic institution-building in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip. This contribution examines whether those policy objectives have indeed been incompatible in Palestine and how Palestine’s major donors have dealt with perceived trade-offs. The subsequent analysis explores to what extent external and internal actors’ policy shifts have shaped and partially undermined the project of democratic state-building in Palestine.

Cite: Mehozay, The Fluid Jurisprudence of Israel’s Emergency Powers

Mehozay, Yoav. “The Fluid Jurisprudence of Israel’s Emergency Powers: Legal Patchwork as a Governing Norm.” Law & Society Review 46.1 (2012): 137-166.





Israel’s long-standing state of emergency has had considerable bearing on the state’s governance. Less known, but equally important, is the fact that Israel’s legal system features several overlapping and incoherent emergency legal mechanisms that exist side by side. This article demonstrates that Israel’s ever-shifting body of emergency law has been used to suit its governing authorities’ political ends. A chief goal has been to create flexibility in the application of law in order to systematically discriminate against Palestinians while maintaining a degree of legitimacy as a government by law. With these various emergency legal mechanisms available, Israel’s governing officials can extend the authorities of discrete emergency regulations by mixing and matching laws or by moving freely from one legal mechanism to the next to serve desired ends. This article argues further that what may have started as a pragmatic solution quickly became programmatic and concerted. Thus, contrary to the conception that Israel’s convoluted emergency jurisprudence is the accidental outcome of trying times, Israel’s complex emergency jurisprudence is in fact a governing tool. This reality compels us to consider new analytical frameworks in which a state of emergency is an enduring condition. To this end, this article draws on the work of colonial law scholars. By analyzing jurisdictional complexity in contexts where emergency is dominant, these studies explain the political motivation for maintaining structured ambiguity.

Cite: Waxman, Deterioration of Jewish-Palestinian Relations in Israel

Waxman, Dov. “A Dangerous Divide: The Deterioration of Jewish-Palestinian Relations in Israel.” Middle East Journal 66.1 (2012): 11-29.




This article examines the relations between Jewish and Palestinian-Arab citizens of Israel since the events of October 2000, when massive Arab protests and riots took place and thirteen Arab demonstrators were killed. In the decade since then Arab-Jewish relations have been characterized by growing mutual mistrust, fear, and hostility. Together with these negative attitudes, political polarization between the two communities has also increased. This poses a serious threat to Arab-Jewish coexistence in Israel and to Israeli democracy itself.

Reviews: Mautner, Law and the Culture of Israel

Menachem Mautner, Law and the Culture of Israel. Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press, 2011.





Hofri-Winogradow, Adam. “Review.” Edinburgh Law Review 16 (2012): 125-126.

Cite: Puar, Talking About the Sexual Politics of Israel

Puar, Jasbir. “Citation and Censorship: The Politics of Talking About the Sexual Politics of Israel.” Feminist Legal Studies 19.2 (2011): 133-142.





In response to critics’ claims that a discussion of sexuality and nationalism vis-à-vis the Israeli-Palestinian conflict bears no relation to the author’s previous work, or to such discussions within the US or European contexts, this paper details the complex interconnections between Israeli gay and lesbian rights and the continued oppression of Palestinians. The first section examines existing discourses of what the author has previously called “homonationalism,“ or the process by which certain forms of gay and lesbian sexuality are folded into the national body as the Muslim/Arab Other is cast as perversely queer, within Israel and the diasporas. The operations of homonationalism ensure that no discussion of gay and lesbian rights in Israel is independent from the state’s actions toward Palestine/Palestinians. The second section contains a critique of Israel’s practices of “pinkwashing“ in the US and Europe. In order to redirect focus away from critiques of its repressive actions toward Palestine, Israel has attempted to utilize its relative “gay-friendliness“ as an example of its commitment to Western “democratic“ ideals. Massive public relations campaigns such as “Brand Israel“ work to establish Israel’s reputation within the US and Europe as cosmopolitan, progressive, Westernized and democratic as compared with the backward, repressive, homophobic Islamic nations, which, in turn, serves to solidify Israel’s aggression as a position of the “defense“ of democracy and freedom. The final section looks at the ways in which accusations of “anti-Semitism“ function in academic and activist contexts to suppress critiques of the implicit nationalism within Israeli sexual politics.

ToC: Jewish Law Association Studies 21


Jewish Law Association Studies XXI

Israel as a Jewish and Democratic State

Edited by Asher Maoz


1: Asher Maoz, Introduction

2: Aharon Barak, The Values of the State of Israel as a Jewish and Democratic State

3: Haim Cohn, z’l, The Values of a Jewish and Democratic State.

Studies on the Basic Law: Human Dignity and Liberty

4: Menachem Elon, Constitution by Legislation: The Values of a Jewish and Democratic State in the light of Basic Law: Human Dignity and Personal Freedom

5: Ruth Gavison, Can Israel be both a Jewish and Democratic State?

6: Asher Maoz, The Values of the State of Israel as a Jewish and Democratic State

7: Ariel Rosen-Zvi, z’l, "A Jewish and Democratic State": Spiritual Parenthood, Alienation and Symbiosis – Can we Square the Circle?

8: Aviad Hacohen, From ‘Juden Shtetl’ (Jewish Village) to ‘Juden Staat’ (Jewish State): Israel as a Jewish and Democratic State:

Theory and Practice

9: Aharon Lichtenstein, Interaction between Judaism and Democracy?

ISBN 978-1-906731-09-0 (hardback), 978-1-906731-10-6 (paperback), 2011, Pp. viii + 321

Ordering Details on the Publications Page of the JLA website (now at


Conference: AIUS 27th, Israel as a Jewish and Democratic State

The 27th Annual International Conference of the

Association for Israel Studies (AIS).

June 13-15, 2011

Brandeis University



The three-day, multi-disciplinary meeting will include more than 80 sessions that consider Israel from multiple perspectives, including politics, gender studies, art, sociology, culture, literature, history and international relations. Attending will be scholars and experts from India, China, Malaysia, Japan, Australia, Argentina, Brazil, Mexico, the UK, France, Belgium, Germany, Hungary, Russia, Turkey, Lebanon, Palestine, Israel and the U.S. Cosponsoring the conference with the Schusterman Center are the Cohen Center for Modern Jewish Studies and the Hadassah-Brandeis Institute.

Two plenary sessions featuring leading experts will anchor the conference. The first, on

Monday, June 13, at 4:30 p.m., will address "What Does the U.S. Want in the Middle East and What Should It Want?" Panelists are Robert Malley, former special assistant to President Bill Clinton; Shibley Telhami, Saban Center for Middle East Policy at the Brookings Institute; Joel Migdal, University of Washington, the panel chair; Daniel Kurtzer, former U.S. ambassador to Egypt and Israel; and David Makovsky, who directs the Washington Institute for Near East Policy.

Immediately following the first plenary, at the annual banquet, Prof. Moshe Halbertal of the Hebrew University of Jerusalem and New York University Law School will deliver the keynote address "What is a Jewish Democratic State." Halbertal, who directs the Tikvah Center for Law and Jewish Civilization at NYU, spent this year as a visiting professor at New York University and Harvard.

On Tuesday, June 14, at 5 p.m., Ilan Troen will lead the second plenary session, on "Arabs in the Jewish State." The panelists include As’ad Ghanem, School of Political Sciences, University of Haifa; Gabriela Shalev, Israel’s first female ambassador to the United Nations (2008-2010); journalist Israel Harel, head of the Institute for Zionist Strategy; journalist and author Nazir Mgally and leading sociologist Sammy Smooha, 2008 Israel Prize laureate for Sociology, University of Haifa.

The plenary sessions are open to the public by RSVP only. It is possible to RSVP online.

ToC: Israel Affairs 17,2 (2011)

Israel Affairs: Volume 17 Issue 2 is now available online at informaworldTM.
This new issue contains the following articles:

Original Articles

Israel’s prime ministers and the Arabs: Levi Eshkol, Golda Meir and Yitzhak Rabin

Pages 177 – 193

Author: Yossi Goldstein

DOI: 10.1080/13537121.2011.547273

Transjordan’s attack on the Etzion Bloc during the 1948 war

Pages 194 – 207

Author: Ronen Yitzhak

DOI: 10.1080/13537121.2011.547274

The dynamics of state-religion issues on the agenda in Israel: the case of the right to die with dignity (passive euthanasia)

Pages 208 – 223

Author: Michal Neubauer-Shani

DOI: 10.1080/13537121.2011.547275

How many Palestinian Arab refugees were there?

Pages 224 – 246

Author: Efraim Karsh

DOI: 10.1080/13537121.2011.547276

Is there a Palestinian civil war? The concept and the impact

Pages 247 – 258

Author: Hussein Sirriyeh

DOI: 10.1080/13537121.2011.547277

The use of parliamentary questions in the Israeli parliament, 1992-96

Pages 259 – 277

Author: Osnat Akirav

DOI: 10.1080/13537121.2011.547278

Discrimination vs. permissible preferential treatment regarding University of Haifa dormitories: or when Cicero met Adalah in the cafeteria

Pages 278 – 295

Author: Nahshon Perez

DOI: 10.1080/13537121.2011.547279

Book Reviews

Book Reviews

Pages 296 – 312

Author: David Rodman

DOI: 10.1080/13537121.2011.547280

Conference: Israel as a Jewish State

Israel as a Jewish State

The Joseph and Alma Gildenhorn Institute for Israel Studies, University of Maryland

March 7-8, 2010

URL for Registraton:

Ever since Theodore Herzl’s time, argument has raged over the meaning of the “Jewish State”. Much of it has focused on the appropriate role of religion in the state’s laws and practices.

With the growth of religiosity in the state and the sharp increase in the number of religious citizens – neither development foreseen by Israel’s founders – the arguments have become fiercer. Different streams of Jewish practice – Haredi, Modern Orthodox, conservative, Reform, and “secular” compete either for recognition or to delegitimize their rivals.

Meanwhile, many citizens define themselves as simply “Israeli” rather than “Jewish”.

This conference will address the provocative themes of the nature and role of democracy, identity and Jewish religion in the Israeli context. How can Israel balance the competing claims of its Jewish self-definition with a commitment to democratic pluralism? Moreover, how can it best choose among frequently contradictory religious and social values, a path that all its citizens can live with?


Sunday March 7

Tyser Auditorium,
Van Munching Hall (Smith School of Business),
University of Maryland, College Park.

Breakfast (coffee and pastries) and registration

Welcome and opening

Session 1:

Is Israel “ the Jewish State”?

How the avowed Jewish character of Israel influences – or should influence – the politics and government of the State

  • Professor Shlomo Fischer,
    Van Leer Institute, Jerusalem
  • Professor Shlomo Hasson,
    The Hebrew University, Jerusalem
  • Dr. Bernard Avishai,
    The Hebrew University, Author, Jerusalem
  • Profesor Amiel Ungar,
    Journalist, Tekoa, West Bank


Keynote address

  • Professor Yuli Tamir,
    Member of Knesset and former Minister of Education
    Tel Aviv


Session 2:

Do Jews in Israel Have Religious Freedom?
The Issue of Pluralism

The competing goals and values of semi-official religious Orthodoxy and those of secular and non-orthodox religious groups and interests

  • Rabbi Tamar Elad-Appelbaum,
    Schechter Rabbinical Seminary, Jerusalem
  • Rabbi Avi Shafran,
    Agudath Israel, New York
  • Professor Bernard Cooperman,
    University of Maryland
  • Chair: Professor Eric Zakim,
    University of Maryland


Session 3:

Religion and Democracy in Israel:
Are Judaism and Democratic Values Compatible?

Are citizens’ rights unacceptably diminished by Israel’s Jewish character?

  • Dr. Aviad Hacohen,
    Van Leer Institute and The Hebrew University, Jerusalem
  • Professor Yoram Peri,
    Gildenhorn Institute, University of Maryland
  • Rabbi Stuart Weinblatt,
    Israel Advocacy Office of the Rabbinical Assembly, Washington, D.C.
  • Dr. Phyllis Chesler
    Psychologist and Author. New York



Annual Elizabeth and Richard Dubin Lecture
and Ambassador’s Reception

  • His Excellency Michael Oren,
    Ambassador of Israel to the United States


Monday March 8

Woodrow Wilson Center for Scholars,
Ronald Reagan Building, Washington, D.C.

Noon – 2:30pm
Session 4:

Religion and the Israel-Palestinian Conflict

Religious values and ideologies – Jewish, Muslim, Christian – and their consequences for the Israeli-Palestinian conflict

  • Professor Yuli Tamir,
    Member of Knesset and former Israeli Minister of Education, Tel Aviv
  • Professor Shibley Telhami,
    Anwar Sadat Chair, University of Maryland
  • Professor Edward Luttwak,
    Center for Strategic and International Studies,
    Washington, D.C.
  • Chair: Professor Yoram Peri,
    Gildenhorn Institute, University of Maryland


Reviews: Yakobson and Rubinstein, Israel and the Family of Nations

Alexander Yakobson and Amnon Rubinstein. Israel and the Family of Nations. The Jewish Nation-State and Human Rights. Translated by Ruth Morris and Ruchie Avital. London / New York : Routledge, 2009.


Reviews: Arye Naor. "Both Jewish and Democratic." Israel Studies 15,1 (2010): 177–182.

Cite: Radzyner, A Constitution for Israel


Radzyner, Amihai. "A Constitution for Israel: The Design of the Leo Kohn Proposal, 1948." Israel Studies 15,1 (2010): 1-24.



UN General Assembly Resolution 181 declared that the states which will be established in the Land of Israel should accept a constitution. Dr. Leo Kohn was chosen to write the constitution proposal for the Jewish State. The article describes his constitutional project, which was carried out in three stages between the end of 1947 and October 1948. It identifies the sources of his influence in his proposals, names the figures that assisted in writing the proposals, and tries to understand the reasons for the changes made in the three versions of his proposal. It considers the claim that essential changes were due to the fundamental debate concerning the nature of the constitution of the Jewish State: Should it be similar to the constitutions of modern democratic states, or should it express the Jewish tradition and protect the special Jewish character of the state?




Keywords: Israel: Law, Constitution, Democracy, Jewish Identity, Israel: Religion, Religious-Secular Divide, Zionism: State establishment, עמיחי רדזינר

Reviews: Gideon Rahat, The Politics of Regime Structure Reform in Democracies

Gideon Rahat. The Politics of Regime Structure Reform in Democracies: Israel in Comparative and Theoretical Perspective. Albany, N.Y.: State University of New York Press, 2008.

The Politics of Regime Structure Reform in Democracies


Reviews: Pierre M. Atlas. International Journal of Middle East Studies 42,1 (2010):160-162.


Keywords: Israel: Politics, Israel: Political System, Democracy, Elections, Gideon Rahat, גדעון רהט, SUNY Press